Telegram
from the Consulate General in Karachi to the Department of
State/1/
Karachi, October 11, 1971,
1200Z.
/1/ Source:
National Archives, RG 59, Central Files 1970-73, POL INDIA-PAK. Secret; Immediate; Exdis. Repeated to Islamabad,
New
Delhi,
Moscow,
USUN, London,
Calcutta, and
Dacca. This telegram was
summarized on October 11 by the National Security Council staff in a memorandum
for Kissinger to use in briefing the President on October 12. (Ibid., Nixon
Presidential Materials, NSC Files, Box 570, Indo-Pak War, South Asia, October
1-24 1971)
2028. From Chargé. Subject: Discussion With
President Yahya: Risks of War. Ref: State 185010./2/
/2/
Document 160.
1. Summary. Yahya reaffirmed his assurance that Pakistan would not be first to initiate
hostilities. He accepted our proposal for mutual withdrawal of troops and armor
by both GOI and GOP to some distance from their respective borders, noting that
he would have to work out potential problem with regard East Pakistan. Yahya
suggested that Indian and Pak army chiefs of staff meet to work out
arrangements for withdrawal. He agreed that political solution in East Pakistan is essential and
reviewed his timetable for issuing constitution and convening National Assembly
before year's end, with provincial assemblies to meet shortly thereafter. New
national govt should have East Pak majority. End summary.
2. I called
on President Yahya at President's house in
Karachi morning October 11 and
remained with him for one hour. Yahya was nursing sore
tooth and received me in private sitting room, in his quarters rather than in
office. No one else was present. After initial amenities, including extension
of best wishes on behalf Ambassador Farland and
myself on engagement of his only son, which was celebrated in Karachi past weekend, I told Yahya I had been instructed call on him because of deep USG
concern over increasing risks of war in subcontinent. Recalling our last
conversation on this subject September 30 during Freylinghuysen
visit, I went over carefully and in detail each of the points (less FYI
portion) contained para 3 reftel.
At conclusion my pre-sentation, during which Yahya interjected various comments (below), I left him
after summarizing all points. (Yahya asked at end of
conversation that I give copy of paper and résumé of Yahya's
remarks to Fon Sec Sultan Khan, and I propose do so
Oct 12 in Islamabad.)
3. Yahya nodded at mention of his personal assurances to me on
September 30 that Pakistan would not be first to
initiate hostilities. He said this was only sensible position and he reaffirmed
it.
4. Yahya said he was not aware of any skirmishes in late
September along West Pak border (para 38 reftel). He had not heard of any firing at all along West Pakistan border. Occasionally,
he said, there is isolated firing along Kashmir ceasefire line, but if
there had been any in recent weeks, it was not important enough to have come to
his attention. Yahya also denied reports we have heard
that GOP might take military action against India in response to
Indian-supported cross- border guerrilla attacks in East Pakistan.
5. At that
point Yahya said that despite his desire for peace,
there was real danger of war and he had duty to inform people of Pakistan thereof. He said he had
devoted portion of his address to nation which will be broadcast/telecast
evening Oct 12, and which he had already recorded, to this subject. He said he
wanted nation to understand that although he was doing his best to avert war,
risk nevertheless existed. He hoped this portion of his speech would actually
serve to calm the people while also alerting them to worst contingency.
6. Yahya nodded agreement when I said that GOP must share
responsibility for reducing risks of conflict (para
3c reftel). He listened carefully when I mentioned
adverse effect upon our relationship which would follow any initiation of
military action by Pakistan and said such action
was against his policy.
7. Yahya asked me to reiterate point that we are taking
strongest position with GOI that it should restrict cross-border operations by
MB (para 3d reftel) and
said "that was excellent."
8. Yahya listened attentatively
to our specific proposal for mutual withdrawal of troops and armor by both GOI
and GOP to some distance from their respective borders. We came back to that
point for fuller discussion after covering political issues (below). His first
comment was that this was a good idea. It would present no problem at all along
West
Pakistan
border. Pak forces there, he said, could return to their peacetime locations.
Units which had come from Peshawar and Kharian,
for example, could return thereto; units which had moved up from closer points,
such as Sialkot and Lanore
cantonments, could return to their cantonments. Situation was not quite that
simple in East
Pakistan,
Yahya went on. The normal peacetime regular army
force in East
Pakistan
had, of course been increased since March by reinforcements from west wing.
There were only a few peacetime army cantonments of any importance in East Pakistan and of these only Jessore and Comilla (and of
lesser importance, Rajshahi) were near the border. In
recent months, following the defections and departure of elements of East Pakistan rifles and police, the
Pak army has been attending to job of anti-guerrilla operations along the
border. It might present problem to withdraw army from border while guerrilla
activities continuing. I asked Yahya to consider that
point carefully, to see for example whether border surveillance might be taken
on by elements of the para-military East Pakistan
Civil Armed Force (EPCAF), which is successor to EPR, and by police, allowing
regular Pak army units to retire from border. Yahya
responded that might possibly be done in light of fact that both EPCAF and
police had recently increased in strength; he would surely consider this and
other possibilities.
9. As
discussion proceeded on withdrawal proposal, Yahya's
thoughts seemed to become firmer. He said our proposal was "noble"
and "I accept it in toto" subject to some
clarification on detail such as with regard East Pakistan. He asked what type of
machinery we thought might insure execution of mutual withdrawal. I said we had
not made any specific proposal on modalities, and asked whether he had any
suggestions. Yahya said he thought mechanics of
withdrawal might be worked out in a meeting of Indian and Pakistan army chiefs of staff.
That mechanism had been used from time to time in previous years. I said I
thought his suggestion was most constructive and that I would report most
promptly both his acceptance of the withdrawal proposal and his suggestion for
a meeting of the chiefs of staff.
10. Yahya nodded agreement at various points when I presented
our position on the essential importance of a political solution in East Pakistan (para
3f reftel). He agreed that military action, which he
said he had no choice but to undertake in face of the violence and intentions
of the Awami Leaguers last March, could not be a
solution in itself. He was appreciative of USG understanding of his problems
and the way in which we had not added to his very heavy burdens. Far from
questioning our right to feel deep concern over current crisis, he welcomed our
views and our suggestions with regard to his political problems. Regarding our
hope that GOP could move even more rapidly toward political settlement
facilitated by direct discussions with elected East Pak leaders, Yahya pointed to the clean bill of health given to many Awami Leaguers elected last December and to his firm plans
for early by-elections to fill vacated seats. He was moving as fast as he
could. His address to the nation on Oct 12 would reveal his intentions to
publish a constitution on December 20 and to convene National Assembly on
December 27. Latter step would be followed shortly by formation of a national
government in which East Pakistan, given its population majority, would
presumably hold a majority of ministerial portfolios. Beyond that, Yahya went on, he would shortly thereafter appoint new
governors for each of the five provinces, as to be provided for under the
constitution, and the provincial assemblies would come into being. He was
indeed serious about restoring government to the elected representatives of
people.
11. I said I
much appreciated preview of his plans for political action in next several
months. Coming back to point in our presentation concerning direct discussions
with "elected East Pakistan leaders," I said we had in mind a
dialogue between GOP and BD leadership (per para 2f reftel). In this regard, I offered it as my purely personal
observation at this time that such discussions would be difficult to arrange
unless one took into account the apparent continuous attraction of Mujib for the mass of East Pak population. Yahya said he would not deny that Mujib
was still an important symbol. He thought, however, that Mujib's
strength even at time of last year's elections might have been overestimated.
Actually, a fairly large proportion of the East Pak electorate had not
voted last December, and a significant proportion of those who voted for Mujib were of "minority population" (i.e.
Hindus). Many of those who did not vote had been intimidated. Other points
regarding Mujib are being reported by septel./3/
/3/
Document 166.
12. Other
subjects covered in Oct 11 meeting with Yahya are
being reported septels.
Raynolds
Source: Document 165, volume XI, South Asia crisis 1971, Department
of State.